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Real Issues Podcast · The Courts

The 4.5-Hour Court

Bellingham Municipal Court says it is overwhelmed by cases. Its public window is open four and a half hours a day.

Brian Gass, Editor-in-Chief Real Issues Podcast Published July 9, 2026
How we know. The hours below were documented on July 8, 2026 from three sources that agree: the court's posted “Business Hours” door sign, its posted “Front Counter Hours” sign, and the City of Bellingham's own website (cob.org). Staffing figures come from the City's adopted-budget staffing tables. Docket and caseload figures are aggregate; we do not publish the names of any defendant.

The claim, and the clock. The court points to its caseload — roughly 3,065 criminal cases in 2025, plus thousands of civil infractions — to justify its budget and staffing. If it is that overwhelmed, why is the public counter open 4.5 hours a day, the phones 4 hours a day, and the building dark by mid-afternoon — while the court is staffed at its highest court-only level in more than a decade?

1. The hours, as posted

The court advertises “business hours” of 8:00 a.m. to 4:00 p.m. But the hours a member of the public can actually transact — pay a fine, set a payment plan, file paperwork, ask a question, clear a held warrant — are much shorter:

  • Building / “business hours”: 8:00–12:00 and 1:00–4:00 — 7 hours a day (closed noon to 1).
  • Public counter (the “cashier window”): 9:30–12:00 and 1:00–3:00 — 4.5 hours a day, 22.5 hours a week.
  • Phone lines: 10:00–12:00 and 1:00–3:00 — 4 hours a day, 20 hours a week.

So of the eight hours the court advertises, the counter is dark for the first hour and a half, closed over lunch, and shut again from 3:00 to 4:00. The honest denominator for public access is not 8 hours, and not 7 — it is 4.5. The phones reach the public for half of a 40-hour week.

2. The staffing, as budgeted

This is not a story about a court stripped to the bone. By the City's own adopted-budget staffing tables, Bellingham Municipal Court is staffed at 16 full-time-equivalent positions (2023–24) — the highest court-only level since the department was reorganized to court functions in 2011, when it stood at 14. The court-only count over that period runs 14, 15, 14, 15, 16, 17. Staffing went up; public access went down.

The contraction is post-pandemic, and the court has acknowledged it in writing: the 2023–24 budget work plan lists “reopen public front counter service” as a goal — a goal that, as of this writing, remains unmet.

A note on the numbers: figures before 2011 (which ran as high as 20.5) counted a broader “Judicial and Support Services” department that also handled citywide mail, records, copy, and public-disclosure functions. A 2011 reorganization moved those out, leaving court services as the only remaining group. Pre-2011 totals are therefore not comparable, which is why we measure against the clean 2011–present court-only series.

3. The “cashier window” tell

Notice what the court calls its public-facing counter. On the website, on the front-counter sign, and on the door, the window where a person interacts with the court is labeled the “Cashier Window.” Not the clerk's window, not the service window — the cashier window. An institution tends to name its front door after its primary function. This one named it after collection.

4. The timing trap

The access hours are not just short — they are misaligned with the court's own calendar, in the direction that manufactures failures to appear.

On a typical day the court runs calendars at 8:30 a.m., 1:30 p.m., and 2:00 p.m. But the counter does not open until 9:30 and the phones until 10:00, and both close at 3:00. That means:

  • The 8:30 a.m. calendar runs a full hour before the counter opens. A person appearing in the morning cannot resolve anything at the window before or immediately after their hearing.
  • The afternoon calendars routinely run past 3:00, when the counter and phones have already closed.

The window is dark at exactly the moments a defendant most needs it — right before or right after a hearing, to pay, to arrange a payment plan, or to handle the paperwork that keeps a case from spiraling into a warrant. Throttled access at those moments does not just inconvenience people; it mechanically produces the missed deadlines and failures to appear that become new warrants — the front end of the booking-and-release cycle documented elsewhere in this project.

5. What we saw on July 8

On July 8, 2026, the court ran a full day: a 26-person calendar at 8:30 a.m., and 33 appearances across two courtrooms in the afternoon. It was one of the busier days of the week.

At 3:20 p.m. — still 40 minutes inside the advertised 8-to-4 “business hours” — the building was effectively empty. No clerk. No public counter (the window had closed at 3:00). The only things still open were building security and the prosecuting attorney's office. On one of the week's heaviest calendars, the office that charges people stayed open while the public-service counter went dark early. That is the whole thesis in a single afternoon.

6. Why it matters

A court that is genuinely overwhelmed does not keep its public counter open half the week and close it before the afternoon calendar ends. Volume is used to justify the staffing; the staffing — now at a decade-plus high — has not been used to produce access. And restricted access is not a neutral inconvenience: it is a documented mechanism for generating the very failures-to-appear and warrants that then justify still more caseload.

The fix is not complicated, and the court has already named it: reopen the counter. The question this reporting keeps returning to is the one on our methodology page — is the system measured by how many cases it processes, or by whether people can actually reach it and resolve them?

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